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Full text of "Political Science Of The State"

556                              POLITICAL SCIENCE.     .
over the country the greater part of the time since 1832. Yet
as old issues are passing away, new opinions find lodgment
in both parties, so that the moderate men of each agree
pretty well together except on one or two questions.
The peculiarity of English parties is that a man, selected in
Parties m democ- form by the sovereign, and in reality by public
racies'                 opinion within a party, has for the time the gov-
ernment of the country in his hands. In democracies, where
the offices are filled by elections, a party carrying the elections
has the government until a new election takes place. In those
extreme democracies where the lot assigned office in great
measure, the parties exercised their power by means of
popular orators, by attacks on public men before the courts,
at one time by ostracism, and to some extent by political
clubs. At Rome there was long and earnest strife between
the parties which arose after the fall of the kings, until at
length every office was opened to the citizens, irrespective of
birth. After this the tendency appears towards oligarchy
and ochlocracy; and the personal element, the sway of a
single man over multitudes, is on the increase. The later
years of the republic read us a satire on parties. The lower
class of citizens have lost their independence of character.
A struggle for power between two great leaders points towards
an imperial tyraunis. The elections are carried on with the
most shameful bribery. The active partisans consist of the
chief and his friends, some of whom must manage the lower
classes, others the senate if possible, others command -the
armies. But there are two points of gravity which need to
be especially watched—the senate and the people—the latter,
mainly, as being subject to the influence of the tribunes.
The old dualism of power shows itself in a somewhat new
form, and is hastening Rome on to its ruin.
The danger of a democratic empire is the natural and great
danger of a democracy. Disruption, or a kingly govern-
ment, is by no means so great an evil. But, as we have said
before, among us, the separate states, many of them now
with old habits of self-government and with histories of their